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OPCW management accused of doctoring Syrian chemical weapons report; journalist resigns from Newsweek after editors refuse to publish story (1 Viewer)

ren hoek

Footballguy
In April of 2018, the US, Britain and France bombed Syria under the pretense that it had used chemical weapons against rebels in Syria.  The three countries rushed to bomb Syria, before the OPCW's Fact-Finding Mission could clear up what had actually happened in Douma.  

Initially, there was a leaked internal report from within the OPCW, which contained assertions that were excluded from the final report on chemical weapons attacks in Douma.  Then there was this piece by former Guardian Chief Foreign Correspondent Jonathan Steele outlining how internal OPCW whistleblowers have undermined the official report on chemical weapons attacks in Syria:

Claims that President Bashar al-Assad’s forces have used chemical weapons are almost as old as the Syrian civil war itself. They have produced strong reactions, and none more so than in the case of the alleged attack in April last year on the opposition-controlled area of Douma near Damascus in which 43 people are said to have been killed by chlorine gas. The United States, Britain and France responded by launching airstrikes on targets in the Syrian capital.

Were the strikes justified? An inspector from the eight-member team sent to Douma has just come forward with disturbing allegations about the international watchdog, the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, which was tasked with obtaining and examining evidence.

Involved in collecting samples as well as drafting the OPCW’s interim report, he claims his evidence was suppressed and a new report was written by senior managers with assertions that contradicted his findings.

The inspector went public with his allegations at a recent all-day briefing in Brussels for people from several countries working in disarmament, international law, military operations, medicine and intelligence. They included Richard Falk, former UN special rapporteur on Palestine and Major-General John Holmes, a distinguished former commander of Britain’s special forces. The session was organised by the Courage Foundation, a New York-based fund which supports whistle-blowers. I attended as an independent reporter.

The whistle-blower gave us his name but prefers to go under the pseudonym Alex out of concern, he says, for his safety.

He is the second member of the Douma Fact-Finding Mission to have alleged that scientific evidence was suppressed. In May this year an unpublished report by Ian Henderson, a South African ballistics expert who was in charge of the mission’s engineering sub-team was leaked. The team examined two suspicious cylinders which rebels said were filled with chlorine gas. One cylinder was found on the roof of a damaged building where over two dozen bodies were photographed. The other lay on a bed on the upper floor of a nearby house below a hole in the roof. The inspectors were able to check the scene because Syrian troops drove rebel fighters out of the area a few days after the alleged gas attack.

Assessing the damage to the cylinder casings and to the roofs, the inspectors considered the hypothesis that the cylinders had been dropped from Syrian government helicopters, as the rebels claimed. All but one member of the team concurred with Henderson in concluding that there was a higher probability that the cylinders had been placed manually. Henderson did not go so far as to suggest that opposition activists on the ground had staged the incident, but this inference could be drawn. Nevertheless Henderson’s findings were not mentioned in the published OPCW report.
Then there was a leaked internal email from OPCW staff expressing "grave concern" over how he was  "struck by how much it misrepresents the facts."  It appears as if the OPCW deliberately misrepresented its conclusions in the final report on Douma.

 
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In April of 2018, the US, Britain and France bombed Syria under the pretense that it had used chemical weapons against rebels in Syria.  The three countries rushed to bomb Syria, before the OPCW's Fact-Finding Mission could clear up what had actually happened in Douma.  

Initially, there was a leaked internal report from within the OPCW, which contained assertions that were excluded from the final report on chemical weapons attacks in Douma.  Then there was this piece by former Guardian Chief Foreign Correspondent Jonathan Steele outlining how internal OPCW whistleblowers have undermined the official report on chemical weapons attacks in Syria:

Then there was a leaked internal email from OPCW staff expressing "grave concern" over how he was  "struck by how much it misrepresents the facts."  It appears as if the OPCW deliberately misrepresented its conclusions in the final report on Douma.
I for one am shocked that there are those who would jump to conclusions and steer us to intervene in a place like Syria.

 
Shula-holic said:
I for one am shocked that there are those who would jump to conclusions and steer us to intervene in a place like Syria.
Also shocking: the complete radio silence on the unraveling Syria narrative, versus the 'blinking red' news coverage when it was time for us to bomb Syria.  

 
Shula-holic said:
I for one am shocked that there are those who would jump to conclusions and steer us to intervene in a place like Syria.
Who wants us to intervene in Syria and why?

 
👀

Tareq Haddad @Tareq_Haddad

Yesterday I resigned from Newsweek after my attempts to publish newsworthy revelations about the leaked OPCW letter were refused for no valid reason.

I have collected evidence of how they suppressed the story in addition to evidence from another case where info inconvenient to US govt was removed, though it was factually correct.

I plan on publishing these details in full shortly. However, after asking my editors for comment, as is journalistic practice, I received an email reminding me of confidentiality clauses in my contract. I.e. I was threatened with legal action

I am seeking legal advice on how to proceed and whether I may be entitled to some type of whistleblower protection due to possibly fraudulent behaviour. At very least, I will publish the evidence I have without divulging the confidential information.

 
“The aforementioned memo states that around 20 inspectors have expressed concerns over the final FFM report, which they feel “did not reflect the views of the team members that deployed to Douma”. Only one member of the fact finding team that went to Douma, a paramedic, is said to have contributed to the final version of the report. Apart from that one person, an entirely new team was gathered to assemble the final report, referred to as the “FFM core team”.

This new team was staffed with people who “had only operated in country X”, according to the memorandum. It is not clear what country that refers to, except that it is presumably not Syria. It is possible, though only speculation, that country X refers to Turkey, as OPCW has sent teams into refugee camps there to interview survivors from Douma.

The author of the memorandum states that he was the one originally tasked with analysis and assessment of the two cylinders found on the scene of the alleged chemical attack. This was a task he undertook “in the understanding [he] was clearly the most qualified team member, having been to the location in Douma and because of [his] expertise in metallurgy, chemical engineering (including pressure vessel design), artillery and Defence R&D”. He continues: “In subsequent weeks I found that I was being excluded from the work, for reasons not made clear”.

The author explains that he had frequently asked to be updated on the progress of the final report and to be allowed to review the draft, but was turned down on both counts. “The response was utmost secrecy”.

Once the final report was released on the 1st of March 2019, it became clear that the conclusions of the report had changed significantly in the hands of the new “core” team that assembled it into its final form: “At the conclusion of the in-country activities in the Syrian Arab Republic, the consensus within the FFM team was that there were indications of serious inconsistencies in findings. After the exclusion of all team members other than a small cadre of members who had deployed (and deployed again in October 2018) to Country X, the conclusion seems to have turned completely in the opposite direction. The FFM team members find this confusing, and are concerned to know how this occurred.”

https://wikileaks.org/opcw-douma/

 

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